Baltimore History Examiner
Showing entries for Category: Albert-Blumberg
Historical Context to the Maryland State Police Surveillance Operation Part 2
POSTED July 21, 2:36 PM

FBI Informant Mary Stalcup Markward
This is Part Two of Historical Context to the MSP Surveillance Operation. You can read Part One here.
 
After the signing of the Nazi-Soviet Pact and the Dies Committee investigations, the FBI began close surveillance of the Maryland communists (District34 of the CPUSA). The FBI, through several informants and agents thoroughly infiltrated District 34. Copies of the FBI intelligence memos detailing the surveillance are housed in the Maryland Manuscripts archives at the Hornbake Library at the University of Maryland. The FBI operations would prove decisive in the post-war prosecution of many Maryland communists, especially its party chief Albert Blumberg.
 
After Hitler invaded the Soviet Union, Stalin needed to cement the alliance with the West. The Soviet war effort desperately needed American war material. On May 22, 1943, Stalin ordered the dissolution of the Comintern and refrained from urging the western Communist Parties to foment revolution. Stalin’s motive was a purely political expedient calculated to appease Roosevelt and Churchill and hasten the opening of a western front in Europe. General Secretary of the CPUSA, Earl Browder restructured the CPUSA into the Communist Political Association (CPA) to “expand their wartime alliance with mainstream liberals and the labor movement behind Roosevelt’s policies…and promote a foreign policy conducive to post-war U.S.-Soviet entente.”
 
However, the American-Soviet alliance was short lived. As the defeat of Germany became a reality, Stalin implemented his plans for a post-war Soviet foreign policy, where he envisioned a security zone in Eastern Europe for the Soviet Union and, as historian Vernon Pedersen said, “an aggressive political arm in the bourgeois West.” A CPA, integrated into the American political mainstream was not what Stalin needed and the American party needed to be informed. Stalin sent his message through the French Communist Party leader Jauques Duclos. Duclos published the message in an article in the French journal Chaiers due communisme, which became known as the Duclos letter, because it was hand delivered to Earl Browder. The Duclos letter severely criticized Browder’s interpretations of the Teheran Conference. Duclos castigated Browder for “erroneous conclusions in an unwise flowing from a Marxist analysis…and a notorious revision of Marxism” that led to the “liquidation of the independent political party of the working class.” The American Communists quickly realized that the Duclos letter was a message from Stalin. The CPA dissolved, and the CPUSA quickly reconstituted. Earl Browder was ousted as head of the party, and expelled. 
 
In Maryland, Albert Blumberg, who had moved on to a national position within the party, used the Duclos letter to attack his District 34 successor, Al Lannon, with whom he had constantly feuded. Under constant barrage from Blumberg, Lannon, who said he would “go down the line with Browder,” eventually dropped his support of Browder. 
 
I relate this episode to reiterate the very important point that Stalin exercised total control over the CPUSA.
 
In Maryland, the Ober Commission, named after its chair, attorney Frank Ober had recommended to the General Assembly a sweeping list of anti-subversive measures, which included loyalty oaths for public employees and active surveillance of suspected communists. The General Assembly passed the Ober law with emergency legislation. Opponents however, namely the Progressive Party and its CPUSA puppet masters, in the spring of 1950 were waging a successful public relations campaign to have the Ober laws overturned on a November 1950 ballot referendum. Events at home and abroad however, ended those efforts.
 
Details of Party involvement in Soviet espionage surfaced in the wake of the testimony of Whittaker Chambers and Elizabeth Bentley, as well as the trial and execution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg for passing the secrets of the atomic bomb to the Soviets. Furthermore, tensions escalated between the United States and the Soviet Union as they faced off in a proxy war in Korea and American troops battled Soviet backed-Communist forces on the Korean peninsula.  Domestic anti-communism would coalesce, around government action to crack down on the Party.  The majority of the American public came to view the Party, as agents of a foreign dictatorship that was backing the enemy of American soldiers on the battlefield. Seeing these events unfold, Maryland voters rejected the repeal referendum, and the Ober laws stayed on the books for nearly 30 more years. 
 
One of the tools used by the federal government against the Party was the Smith Act. The Smith Act, passed in 1940 at the height of American fear of Nazi fifth columnists conspiring with radical left revolutionaries (they were allied at the time) to overthrow the government, made it a crime to “knowingly or willfully the violent overthrow of the U.S. government.”
 
FBI agents arrested Albert Blumberg on September 30, 1954 in New York City. Blumberg had been secretly working out of the Party’s national office. Blumberg’s flight into the underground even separated him from his wife Dorothy Rose, who was serving a short prison sentence, after her conviction on Smith Act charges. Blumberg was arraigned and extradited to Philadelphia where he posted $20,000 bond and was released. He was charged under the membership clause of the Smith Act that made it illegal to be a member of an organization knowing that it advocated the violent overthrow of the U.S. Government.
 
Blumberg’s trial began on January 30, 1956. The prosecution’s case consisted of supplying the testimony of Mary Stalcup Markward, a former official of District 34 and former Party member George Lautner. Both were key FBI informants in previous Smith Act trials. Lead prosecutor David Harris produced four other damning witnesses, whose testimony provided a guilty verdict. George MacLeod was a wannabe communist who naively thought that Blumberg wanted gradual social change in America. In his testimony at Blumberg’s trial, MacLeod recalled a 1941 lunch with Blumberg where he expressed this sentiment. Blumberg angrily responded that he was “more pink than red” and he needed be “straightened out.” Blumberg castigated MacLeod that “we need force and to expend blood to make major social change… that major social change did not come about by peaceful means, but by bloodshed.” MacLeod testified further that Blumberg challenged him saying that if he was truly interested in change that he should be willing to take up a rifle and fight in the streets of Baltimore for it. 
 
Lincoln J. Gerende an attorney and former Party member testified that he joined the Party under the alias Carl Brenn at the direction of Blumberg. Herman Thomas, an FBI informant who joined the Party in the 1930s, dropped out, then rejoined at the FBI’s request told the jury that he attended secret Party meetings where he identified Blumberg as going by the name “Paul” or “Doc.” Dorothy K Swan, a public school teacher in New York told the jury that Blumberg told her, “We as Communists must be ready to dedicate ourselves to revolution, the violent overthrow of the capitalistic government as it exists here in the United States. Everything we do must be aimed at taking control of the government.” The jury delivered its guilty decision in three and a half hours. Blumberg was sentenced to a short prison term but never served any time due to appeals and a Supreme Court decision, which repealed the clause of the Smith Act, under which he was convicted.
 
The brutal Soviet crackdown on Hungary in 1957 and the Party’s support of it was the impetus for anti-communists in Maryland to increase pressure on the Party. The Maryland Subversives Activities Unit held hearings in Baltimore in May of 1957. Like Albert Bluberg’s Smith Act trial, other FBI and Ober Commision informants revealed themselves, and offered damning testimony. The hearings coupled with an intra-Party split between pro-Soviet hardliners and those who left the Party after Hungary and the revelations about horrors of Stalinism was a death blow the communist party in Maryland. The party still exists, but it is a small group of dead-enders, who still keep the faith and a disturbing reminder to the half-life of Marxism’s twisted ideology.
 
Why is this important, you ask? Why were federal and state counter measures against the Party necessary? I will answer that question in Part Three.
 
All quotes are from Vernon Pedersen’s The Communist Party in Maryland 1919-1957.
 

 
The Gangs of Baltimore
POSTED May 22, 12:10 AM
 
The November presidential elections are right around the corner. In Baltimore that means the political machines will rev up in order to turn out the vote. The D’Alesandros, the EDO, the Currans, and of course Owe’Malley are some of the more famous Baltimore political machines. However, they have nothing on the Plug Uglies and Blood Tubs
 
In the early to mid 19th Century waves of Irish and German immigrants (nearly all Roman Catholic) swelled Baltimore’s population increasing it from 80,000 to well over 200,000. The Jacksonian zeitgeist of patronage politics, typical of that era, induced the local Democratic Party bosses to view the new arrivals as potential votes and hence lavish them with jobs and preferential treatment. This gave rise to a very ugly strain of nativism, embodied in the American Party more commonly known as the “Know Nothing” Party.  The late Johns Hopkins historian John Higham's book Strangers in the Land is perhaps the seminal work on the subject and was required reading in graduate school. 
The Know Nothing’s organized their party apparatus around “political clubs” like the Plug Uglies and Blood Tubs. If you define political clubs as thuggish street gangs then the Plug Uglies and Blood Tubs met the criteria. Both were violent Baltimore street gangs that operated in the half decade prior to the Civil War. The Plug Uglies formed around the Mt. Vernon Volunteer Hook and Ladder Company and operated on the West Side. Contrary to Martin Scorsese and Herbert Asbury the Plug Uglies were not a “Gang of New York”, they were a Baltimore gang and part of the reason Baltimore is known as “Mobtown.” 
 
 
Election rallies were massive provocations, mixing theatrical spectacle with guerrilla warfare, Fourth of July pageantry with thuggery. The American clubs regularly held torchlight processions or grand illuminations featuring floats, fireworks, effigies, banners, speeches, and songs. Because the party that ruled the streets held sway at the polls, partisans regularly marched through opposing wards. They also infiltrated opposition rallies, where they threw the crowd into disarray by jabbing bystanders with the easily concealed shoemaker's awl, similar to a short ice pick. So beloved was the lowly awl that shortly before the presidential election in 1859, the American clubs engaged blacksmiths to forge them en masse, handed out flyers announcing their distribution, and incorporated the awl's image into club banners. A favorite featured “the figure of a man running, with another in pursuit, sticking him with an awl.” At the polling places, the Plug Uglies strapped awls to their knees, surrounded suspect voters and “awled” them into retreat. “Come up and vote; there is room for awl!”
 
The Blood Tubs got their name because of their electioneering practice of dunking political opponents in tubs of slaughterhouse blood. 
 
Voters in antebellum Baltimore did not use secret ballots they brought their distinctive ballots with them to the polling place. In the case of the Know Nothings they had easy-to-spot garish stripped ballots. Voters arriving at the polls with opposition ballots were met by the Plug Uglies and the ubiquitous awl.  
 
Another infamous Plug Ugly/Blood Tub campaign tactic was “cooping.” Cooping involved kidnapping fresh immigrants, vagrants, or sailors on shore leave and holding them in squalid cellars or sheds called “coops.” There the Plug Uglies and Blood Tubs would persuade their captives to vote Know Nothing by filling them with whiskey, beating them or dropping them into the aforementioned tub of gore before being dropped off at the polls to vote several times. 
 
Peter Fitzpatrick testified that he was kept in Plug Ugly Raz Levy’s coop, where he recalled that a fellow captive, a German immigrant “had a large beard, and Crab Ashby took a candle and . . . burnt it off.” In 1858, John Justus Ritzius recounted being forced to vote sixteen times in several wards. Given that a single coop might hold as many as ninety captives, the potential for inflating the turnout was prodigious. That year, independent mayoral candidate Colonel Schutt ran against Know Nothing incumbent Thomas Swann. Observing that attempts to vote for him promised “loss of life and the general disorder of the city,” the civic-minded Schutt made what is perhaps the earliest concession speech in American history, bowing out of the race at noon on Election Day.
 
Rumor has it that Edgar Allan Poe was cooped just before he died.
 
Contemporary Baltimore political machines are much more evolved and humane; they now provide free transportation in order for their constituents to vote several times. 
 
The American Party was called the Know Nothings because that was their standard answer in response to questions about their savage practices, “I know nothing.” Throw in appropriate Hogan’s Heroes quip here.
 
The onset of the Civil War marked the eventual decline of the Know Nothings and the end of the Plug Uglies and Blood Tubs.  Politicians who used the gangs could no longer be associated with them due to rising public outrage at their violence.  The governmental and electoral reforms that followed formed the nascent structure that evolved into our modern municipal government apparatus. 
 
Violence marked Know Nothing Mayor, Thomas Swann’s two terms in office and he owed his victories to two election riots. However, interestingly enough, Swann replaced the Plug Ugly volunteer fire units with a professional fire service, equipped it with steam powered engines, oversaw the beginnings the Baltimore street car system, and built Druid Hill Park. Swann would later join the Democratic Party and ascend to the governor’s mansion in Annapolis. 
 
Even though the violence in Baltimore’s political processes is gone, unfortunately the patronage and corruption remain.  
 
Suggested Reading
 
 
When Historical Analogies Go Bad
POSTED April 17, 3:59 PM
 
Last month William Brody announced he would retire from his position as President of The Johns Hopkins University. Brody has overseen and guided the university through probably its most successful era. The university receives $1.2 billion in federal research funds (the largest of any university). Johns Hopkins is a world renowned institution and Brody should be commended for his grand achievements. However, he has also left a more disturbing legacy at Johns Hopkins. A disturbing legacy in an area more important than research or grant funding: free speech.
 
Many remember Justin Park and the “Halloween in the Hood” incident back in 2006. Park a junior at Hopkins posted crude announcements on his own private Facebook page advertising a party his fraternity was hosting. Park’s crude and tasteless humor angered many on campus and the community. The heavy hand of Hopkins slammed down on Park with such a fury that he must have felt like Rubashov from Arthur Koestler’s Darkness at Noon. The university’s sanctions were downright creepy. Initially, Park faced a one-year suspension from school, 300 hours of community service mandatory diversity training (reeducation), in which he had to read 12 books and write papers (with predetermined conclusions) based on them. The punishment was so harsh that Park appealed the decision and after some bad press for the university they agreed to an undisclosed settlement.
 
In the wake of the incident, Brody implemented a vague policy of enforced civility and penned a JHU Gazette article stating that only “serious and substantive” speech would be tolerated, and defined “civility” as whatever he determines it to be. As The Foundation for Individual Rights In Education (FIRE) noted in awarding Johns Hopkins its 2007 Censor of the Year Award, “Brody here clarified that parody, satire, funny anecdotes, crude language, and any other speech that college students, like most members of society, regularly enjoy will not be considered protected speech at Hopkins.” 
 
Indeed this was the case even before the Park incident when the university refused to investigate the theft of copies of a conservative student magazine, The Carrollton Record (TCR). In fact, Brody’s administration banned the distribution of TCR on campus and initiated an investigation into TCR because it had the temerity to criticize the Diverse Sexuality and Gender Alliance for hosting an event featuring, among other things, an adult film producer. Under pressure from FIRE and state senator Alex Mooney, Brody dropped the investigation into TCR but never acknowledged the stolen copies. Note that diversity of opinion and thought are not protected under Brody’s civility policy. Speech he disagrees with is fair game for censorship. Under this logic, diversity is a community where everyone looks different but thinks the same.
 
In his JHU Gazette article/directive Brody made an analogy to former Hopkins instructor and head of the Maryland branch of the Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA), Albert E. Blumberg. Brody was correct that Hopkins had barred Blumberg from speaking on campus 1940. However, there is much more to Blumberg than Brody tells us and a better understanding Blumberg reveals that his analogy has a very different meaning than he thinks.
 
In 1940 the administration understandably, nixed Blumberg's speech to avoid scrutiny from HUAC, which was investigating the Party because of its anti-Roosevelt stance and public support for the Nazi-Soviet Pact. Blumberg was no ordinary communist, he was an unapologetic Stalinist dedicated to overthrowing the American constitutional order (including freedom of speech) and replacing it with Soviet-style totalitarianism. CPUSA meeting minutes reveal that he openly championed the purges of the Great Terror, where the real Rubahsov’s were imprisoned, forced into false confessions, show trials, sent to the GULAG for reeducation, or merely shot in the back of the neck. Around that same time Blumberg castigated a timid young communist because he was not ready to take up a rifle and fight on the streets of Baltimore to use, “force and to expend blood to make major social change.”  Hopkins’ obstruction of Blumberg's speech was an understandable expedient given the political climate prior the America's entry into World War II, however, the action was constitutionally abhorrent.  Blumberg should have been allowed to speak, no matter how objectionable his views.
 
I don’t mean to make Justin Park a martyr, he most certainly is not. However, 66 years after Johns Hopkins banned him, William Brody codified into official university policy, some of the totalitarian facets of Blumberg’s reprehensible ideology.
 
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