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The War: Pedro de Arrupe y Gondra

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From the time of its inception in 1540, the Jesuit Order faithfully executed its mission as declared by its founder, Iñigo de Loyola (better known as Ignatius of Loyola). That mission, first and foremost, was absolute and unwavering allegiance to the pope.

Its professed members have always been bound to the pope by a sacred oath of absolute obedience. For 425 years, they stood at the papacy's side, fought its battles, taught its doctrines, suffered its defeats, defended its positions, shared its power, were attacked by its enemies, and constantly promoted its interests all over the globe. They were regarded by many as they regarded themselves, as "Pope's Men"; and the many extraordinary privileges granted by Popes over the centuries were as badges of the trust the papacy placed in the Society. (1)

But all that changed in the '60s—and Pedro de Arrupe y Gondra was right in the thick of things.

"The rapid and complete turnabout of the Society in its mission and in its reason for being was no accident or happenstance. It was a deliberate act, for which Arrupe as Father General provided inspiring, enthusiastic, and wily leadership." (2)

In 1973, Paul VI met with Arrupe on several occasions, trying to put a stop to the Jesuits' momentum. The meetings often led to angry confrontation and Paul VI made no effort to conceal his desire for Arrupe's resignation. In a show of what little strength he could muster, the pope insisted that Arrupe inform his Jesuits that their loyalty belonged first and foremost to the papacy.

At the 32nd General Congregation of Jesuits in 1974-1975, the pope once again demanded the Jesuits abandon their sociopolitical endeavors and return their focus to allegiance to the papacy.

"His effort met with total incomprehension and stubborn—some said even self-righteous—opposition from the Order. Pope and Jesuits simply could not agree. The Jesuits would not obey. Paul was too weak to force the issue farther." (3)

John Paul I began his papacy in 1978 with a preconceived understanding of the Jesuit agenda, formed from his exposure to them while Cardinal Albino Luciana of Venice. Feelings were mutual on the Jesuit side.

Shortly after John Paul I's election, Fr. Vincent O'Keefe—next in line for Arrupe's position as Father General—stated in an interview with a Dutch newspaper that the pope should readdress the Church's opinion on homosexuality, abortion, and the ordination of women.

(Interestingly, in August of this year, Pope Francis stated in an interview with an Italian newspaper—in reference to abortion, gay marriage, and contraception, "The teaching of the Church, for that matter, is clear and I am a son of the church, but it is not necessary to talk about these issues all the time.") (4)

Luciana was livid. The Jesuits not only overstepped their bounds, but were testing the pope in their implication that they had the authority to speak out on subjects of which only the pope had authority.

Once again, Arrupe found himself on the Vatican carpet. Sly as a fox, he dealt with the chastisement with the utmost humility, promising to look into the fiasco. But Luciana had his fill of Jesuit antics. Composing a searing warning to the Order, he intended to deliver a last-straw message to the international assembly of Jesuit leaders at their General Congregations in September of 1978.

From John Paul's memoranda and notes, it is clear that unless a speedy reform of the Order proved feasible, he had in mind the effective liquidation of the Society of Jesus as it is today—perhaps to be reconstituted later in a more manageable form. John Paul I had received the petitions of many Jesuits, pleading with him to do just that. (5)

The day before he was to deliver his speech, Luciana was found dead in his bed.

Arrupe met his match, however, when Wojtyla assumed the papacy. John Paul II knew Marxism well, having experienced it firsthand while in Poland. He was as determined to extinguish Marxism as the Jesuits were to promote it.

The war was on.

While Wojtyla busied himself back in Rome with the rights of Catholics throughout Communist countries, the Jesuits were doing their own "while the cat's away, the mice will play" thing in South America.

At the same time, at the other side of the world, in the area that stretches from the southern borders of Texas down to the tip of South America, Jesuits and others were carrying on their own policy as creators and chief fomenters of a new outlook—"Liberation Theology," they called it in a typically effective bid for romantic appeal—based on Marxist revolutionary principles and aimed at establishing a Communist system of government. The contradiction between John Paul's Polish model and the "Liberation" model advocated ardently and openly by the Jesuits in Latin America could not have been more stark or bold-faced. (6)

In November of '78, Wojtyla sent a copy of the speech that Luciana never delivered, redrawing the same line in the sand as the previous pope.

On December 31, Wojtyla offered an olive branch to the Jesuits by attending their traditional year-end religious ceremonies. The Jesuits received him patronizingly, but coldly, honoring his insistence that no Jesuit was to appear in civilian dress.

Arrupe and his minions obeyed, taking the pacifist approach, waiting for Wojtyla to die,

Arrupe's outward appearance of obedience to the pope was merely a clever mask behind which he continued to support and promote damaging heresies.

Father General Arrupe continued to permit the publication of books that contradicted the entire gamut of traditional teachings, and to defend his men who wrote and taught in this vein. No papal appeal to Father Arrupe seemed ever to have any effect in the face of the Jesuit General's intricate and resourceful delaying action. (7)

In addition, Jesuit Father Robert F. Drinan (8) did a 10-year stint in Congress for the Democratic Party, voting in favor of abortion on demand. Arrupe was sending a strong message—without speaking a word—that the Jesuits were in direct opposition with the most basic and irrefutable doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church.

Yet each time Wojtyla took a stand, Arrupe responded with the utmost humility and obedience, then, did nothing.

In September of 1979, almost with an air of mockery, Arrupe requested an audience with the pope, along with his chief Jesuit counselors in Rome, and the dozen visiting presidents. Behind closed doors, Wojtyla once again reminded Arrupe that he was "causing confusion among the Christian people" and "anxieties to the Church and also personally to the Pope who is speaking to you."

A month later, Arrupe circulated a letter to all major superiors of the Society (which was later published in the media around the world) containing a picture of himself, kneeling at the pope's feet. No weapon of combat could have been more destructive, for the false implication of his loyalty to the papacy led many in the Church to assume that Wojtyla gave his blessing to Jesuits' agenda.

Nicaragua proved to be the Fort Sumter of the war between the Jesuits and the papacy. While Wojtyla was fighting to loosen the Marxist grip on the people of Poland, the Jesuits worked relentlessly toward the establishment of a Marxist government in Nicaragua.

If John Paul could not control the Jesuits in Nicaragua, where the stakes on the table might, in essence, involve the success of his entire papal strategy, then he could simply not control them anywhere.

On the other hand, from the Jesuit point of view, if John Paul II could frustrate their explicit policy of political activism in favor of a Marxist regime—if their expenditure of men and energy in Nicaragua were brought to nothing by this Pope—then they would have failed in their corporate objectives. This Pope would proceed to move in on them elsewhere.

"It was an adversarial situation from the beginning," Martin writes. "Clearly, the material of war between Pope and Jesuits was in place."

****************************Lord Jesus, crucified, have mercy on us.***************************


(1) Martin, Malachi, "The Jesuits: The Society of Jesus and the Betrayal of the Roman Catholic Church," NewYork:Simon & Schuster, 1987, p. 35.
(2) Ibid., p. 36.
(3) Ibid., p. 43.
(4) Kolewski, Clare, The Examiner, "The Novus Ordo Killshot," 10/10/2013,
(5)Martin, p. 44.
(6)Ibid., p. 47.
(7)Ibid., p 48.
(8), "Robert Drinan,"
Martin, p. 51.



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